Archive for November, 2011

Woody Allen: An Appreciation

The Woody Allen documentary that recently aired on PBS in its American Masters series provided two of the most delightful evenings I have enjoyed recently, right up there with poetry readings with Lisa Wible and Di Weide in the 3 Friends: Caffeinated Art series; as one among the cast of thousands, if  you will permit a bit of hyperbole, for Curtis Whitecarroll’s Chapbookzooka at Marino Adriatic Café; dinner with Sylvia at Caffe Allora; and modest dining, coffee, and wandering adventures in Bellingham, Washington, and Vancouver BC. Now that I think about it, the past month has been pretty eventful for a fellow who usually does not get out all that much.

I do not come to Woody Allen with an open mind. He is among those who most inform my work as poet, through the evolution of a sensibility, as a source of myth, with a feeling of spiritual kinship, however much or little merited. I would not be who I am or write as I do apart from my encounter with a company that includes Keats, Dickinson, Rimbaud, Paul Éluard, Robert Desnos, Gregory Corso, among the poets, and among others Bergman, Fellini, Dostoevsky, Camus, Nietzsche, Chagall, Bob Dylan, and Woody Allen. As my old philosophy professor Dr. Matsen used to say, we follow in the footsteps of giants.

Woody is among our foremost filmmakers. We might quibble over whether he has made a singularly great film that stands with, say, The Seventh Seal or Amarcord. Woody himself says he is still trying to make the great film that has thus far, in his own estimation, eluded him. We may accept that assessment without backing off one whit from our awe before the remarkable and rare achievement marked by his incredible body of work, a film a year for forty years, among them–off the top of my head–Annie Hall, Manhattan, Hannah and Her Sisters, Match Point, Vicky Cristina Barcelona, and Midnight in Paris. Upon going to a list of his films, I hastily add Love and Death, InteriorsHusbands and Wives, and Crimes and Misdemeanors as special ones that deserve to be singled out. I imagine others would subtract from my list and add to it to make up their own. Even the lesser films, the ones that are more purely comedic or just do not quite measure up, have their moments of humor and poignancy.

What do you suppose it says about Woody Allen’s public persona that it comes more naturally to refer to him by first name than by last? Perhaps in part this is because for so much of his career Woody played the male lead in his films, so that rightly or wrongly we tend to identify the protagonist with Woody the person. In the later films I find myself seeing Larry David, Josh Brolin, Owen Wilson, as the “Woody Allen character,” sometimes thinking, probably unfairly, Woody would have delivered this line differrently, that line better. Woody’s protagonists tend to be anxious, overly reflective, cognizant of mortality and life’s fleeting nature, sometimes morbidly so, calling to mind stereotypical intellectual figures while never being reduced to stereotype. The capacity to direct witty barbs at themselves and their foibles as well as at others enables them to retain a certain affability, to be likeable even at their whiniest.

Woody gleefully harpoons the pretensions of intellectuals without coming across as in any way anti-intellectual himself, as in the scene from Annie Hall where the man standing behind Alvy and Annie in line to see The Sorrow and the Pity drives Alvy to distraction as he pontificates ad nauseam about the shortcomings of Fellini and Beckett before going on and on and on about Marshall McLuhan, moving Alvy to speculate what he wouldn’t give for a large sock with horse manure in it, then producing McLuhan himself to refute the windbag. It is not just that this fellow prattles on as he does that grates on Alvy; it’s that he gets Fellini, Beckett, and McLuhan all wrong. It is worth noting in the context that The Sorrow and the Pity, a four-hour documentary about Vichy France collaboration with Nazi Germany from 1940 to 1944, is not exactly middlebrow fare; thus Alvy’s determination to see this film, which if memory serves he had already viewed on a number of occasions, might itself indicate a bit of pretension.

Woody has been graced with the good fortune to be able to devote his life to his work, and he has made the most of it. At age fifteen he began selling jokes to New York columnists such as Earl Wilson. He moved on to write for talk shows before his agents, Charles Joffe and Jack Rollin, convinced him to do stand-up and tell his own jokes, for which he had no inclination at the beginning, and his performances were uneven at best. (Among his role models as a stand-up comic was the wonderful Mort Sahl, known for his political and topical humor. I recall Sahl’s dry one-liner satirizing conventional, 1950s, early 1960s, notions about women: “A woman’s place is in the stove.”).

Woody’s success as a comic led to his being approached to write a script for What’s New, Pussycat? for which he would have a moderate role as a character in the film. The experience with What’s New, Pussycat? was not altogether a good one. He felt that if he had called the shots, the film would have been funnier but probably made less money. From this he concluded that he would work on a film only if he had complete control. He went on to write, direct, and star in Take the Money and Run, and the rest, as they say, is history. Through it all he remains indifferent to commercial success except insofar as that each film be sufficiently successful to enable him to find someone willing to invest in the next project. The day Woody completes a film, he puts it behind him and sets to work on the new one. As I write this, with Woody a week away from his 76th birthday, the 2012 film, Nero Fiddled, with a cast that includes Ellen Page, Penélope Cruz, Alec Baldwin, Roberto Benigni, Judy Davis, and Woody himself, is in post-production. I look forward to it.

Grappling with Occupy

I have grappled with my take on the Occupy movement pretty much from its inception. One might think it would be a no-brainer to embrace mass demonstrations calling for reform of the financial system and an end to the redistribution of wealth upward. Perhaps it should be. Yet I have reservations, and they have grown with events of the passing days and weeks.

At the outset Occupy’s renunciation of leadership and disdain for concrete proposals, detail, a program, accompanied by far-fetched comparisons to the Arab Spring, gave me pause about what should have been the heartening prospect of widespread rejection of laissez-faire fundamentalism and dismissal of the empty myth that political wisdom and responsibility is ipso facto to be found in the center. Paeans were sung to a naïve anarchism endorsed by earnest individuals convinced they were part of something unique in the history of humankind. Even those who should know better seemed willfully oblivious to the courtship of incoherence and nihilism inherent in generalized protest against whatever comes to mind, shades of young Marlon Brando in The Wild One, who when asked what he was rebelling against, replied, whadda you got? Energy, enthusiasm, and idealism take us only so far. Granted, I ought not be too critical. I have been there, convinced of the rightness of my cause and purity of my heart, not a doubt in my military mind, when “Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive, / But to be young was very heaven!”

Occupy’s enthusiasts credit the movement with educating the public and raising awareness about an economic system gone wrong. I believe this misses the mark by just a bit. It is not so much a matter of raising public awareness as of raising the awareness of the political and media classes that people understand perfectly well that the economic system has gone way off track and more than a few among them are outraged about it. That much Occupy has contributed, and it is no small matter. The size and staying power of Occupy demonstrations across the country have gotten the attention of entrenched power. Now where do we go from here? Will Occupy’s chosen tactics, to which the movement thus far stubbornly clings, help or hinder us in getting there? Even Portland’s Willamette Week, hardly a mouthpiece of the establishment, offered more than muted criticism of Occupy with two articles appearing in this week’s edition.

Occupy Portland had countless moments of beauty, absurdity and anger. In the end, it was downright ugly.

The 39 days of occupation in Lownsdale and Chapman squares began as an idealistic statement of protesters seeking economic equality and social justice.

Within days the camp became a tent city for the homeless and mentally ill, dominated at times by trouble-seekers and drug dealers. The protest camp turned two city parks into a putrid smear of mud.

But Occupy Portland also accomplished a great deal. In a way that labor unions, academics and writers could not, the organizers raised this city’s awareness of an economic system gone devastatingly wrong. (Corey Pein and Nigel Jaquiss, Chaos to CheckmateWillamette Week, 11/16/2011)

The Occupy movement set out to bring attention to poverty, homelessness, big banks, Wall Street and other social ills that pitted the rich against the rest of us.

It began Oct. 6 when an estimated 10,000 people marched through the city, and a small group took up residence in Chapman and Lownsdale squares. In its final hours, 38 days later, Occupy Portland saw about 4,000 people stage a rally in the early morning of Nov. 13 to prevent police from clearing away the hundreds of tents in the camp.

In between, however, the Occupy Portland leadership became mired in process and debate while the camp became a haven for the homeless, drug addicts and violent street kids. The leaders never found their public voice, nor a direction in which to take their cause. (Hannah Hoffman and Aaron Mesh, The Fall of the 420 Hotel, Willamette Week, 11/16/2011)

One strain of Occupy Portland’s thinking was voiced during a discussion between Mayor Sam Adams and Occupy members on Oregon Public Broadcasting’s Think Out Loud:

Occupy’s Ilona Trogub suggested there was value in the encampment’s disruption of downtown business as usual.

“You have to understand what we’re doing is an extremely heavy process. It’s going to take some stepping aside from people who don’t have the energy to be in the movement but who need to be supporting it. People need to be uncomfortable with what’s going on outside their houses first, and we are bringing attention to that,” Trogub said. (April Baer, Occupy Portland and Mayor Adams Have Words, Oregon Public Broadcasting News, 11/15/2011)

The sentiment expressed by Trogub is in accord with the tenor of too many Occupy actions, which whether by design or through want of design suggest the delusion that the movement’s aims will somehow be advanced by making life more difficult for ordinary people going about their daily affairs.

Meantime, the left sees the Occupy phenomenon through rose-tinted glasses, the mass movement always just around the corner once the people come to their senses and see where their interests lie. By way of example, Katrina vanden Heuvel, editor and publisher of The Nation, enthusiastically proclaims progressives on the move (Progressives on the march to take over Congress, Washington Post, 11/14/2011):

Wisconsin lit the spark, as workers, students, teachers and farmers occupied the state’s capitol in February and launched recall elections that sobered conservative Republican Gov. Scott Walker and his legislative allies. Occupy Wall Street turned that spark into a conflagration that swept the nation. Last week, in Ohio and Maine and even Mississippi, voters overwhelmingly rejected efforts to trample worker rights, constrict the right to vote and roll back women’s rights.

. . .

Republicans mistook Tea Party passion for majority opinion. Led by Wisconsin’s Walker and Republican “young guns” in the House, they drove an extreme agenda, championing cuts in taxes for corporations and the wealthy while savaging investment in public education and public health, assaulting worker and women’s rights, and, since they knew this wasn’t a popular agenda, systematically working to make it harder for students, minorities, the poor, and blue-collar workers to vote.

Voters recoiled — opening space for Progressive Majority [whose mission is "to elect progressive champions"] and its partners’ unprecedented effort for the 2012 elections. This isn’t just a partisan revival. Corporate interests and lobbies rent Democrats as well as Republicans.

Time will tell if vanden Heuvel is right, as I would like her to be, or if this is just another swing of an ever more wildly swinging pendulum. The people tend to be a fickle lot.

The movement’s demands are so general and far-reaching that they leave unclear exactly what the authorities could do that would lead Occupy to consider its mission sufficiently accomplished to stand down. The situation is comirplicated by a certain social dynamic that seems to be at work here. People have invested considerable commitment, time, effort, sweat, and in some instances blood to a cause from which they derive a perhaps profound sense of community and power in a world where community is hard come by and powerlessness a condition of existence. It is no wonder when they fiercely resist eviction from the encampments. The occupation of public spaces and sporadic disruption of daily life become ends in themselves for want of a better idea.

Maybe I make too much of all this. Maybe my reluctance to endorse Occupy says as much about me, my shortcomings, hesitancies, failures, as it does about the movement. Should we hold those who put themselves on the line with fortitude and valor accountable for the misdeeds of hooligans who act in their name? Are even the best among them doing anything more than tilting at windmills? Does the pointlessness of an effort negate conduct that might otherwise be admirable?

Whither Occupy?

The weekend passed without riot, rampage, tear gas, and other elements of a worst-case scenario, for which we should all be grateful, as Chapman and Lownsdale Squares were cleared of Occupiers whose stated intention was to remain indefinitely. Occupy Portland organizer Jim Oliver told Associated Press, “We have stood up to state power,” as demonstrators stayed in the park after the 12:01 a.m. deadline Sunday morning before being forcibly evicted later in the day. Here in Portland state power has generally been exercised with restraint throughout the occupation, notwithstanding sporadic incidents that should be investigated and, where appropriate, the culprits prosecuted, just as violence against police should be investigated and culprits prosecuted.

Where does Occupy Portland, and the Occupy movement generally, go from here? I do not see what will be accomplished if it comes to nothing more than finding an alternative public space to occupy. At the outset the Occupy movement presented a forum for people to take a stand against an economic system where a very few people make out like bandits at the expense of the general welfare and common good. The numbers and staying power of the movement confounded many and helped nudge the national dialogue away from exclusive focus on reduction of government spending and general dismantling of government as the solution to all that ails us. Occupy can claim that as a positive accomplishment.

The movement remains amorphous, determinedly renouncing leadership and articulation of a political platform or program. In the early days this made sense from a tactical standpoint to draw as many people into the movement as possible, recognizing that people begin breaking into factions and dropping away altogether the instant concrete proposals are advanced. The claim to speak for the 99 percent makes for a good slogan, but no one in our deeply divided country speaks for 99 percent of us on anything. (See Beyond Red vs. Blue: The Political Typology for results of a Pew Research Center study conducted earlier this year.)

Certain members of the punditocracy have tried to diminish Occupy by conflating it with the Tea Party, in what is at best a gross oversimplification of the nature and aims of both movements. What Occupy and the Tea Party may share is a sense of powerlessness. Occupy’s acts of defiance and sense of community offer a temporary, and ultimately I think illusory, antidote to that sense of powerlessness. This may account in part for the determination to continue occupation indefinitely, occupation for the sake of occupation, grimly staying put until somebody does something, while precisely what is to be done, by whom, and how, remains up in the air, or perhaps blowing in the wind.

Two interpretations of events that unfolded in Portland over the weekend:

Mozart’s Sister, un film de René Féret

“No!” my companion yowled, voice hushed, outrage palpable, when Léopold Mozart (Marc Barbé) told his daughter she could not play the violin, though she played it quite well, because violin is a man’s instrument, and he would not teach her composition because composition is beyond the capacity of women. Maria Anna  Mozart (Marie Féret), known as Nannerl, was a gifted pianist, harpsichordist, and singer in her own right, but because she was a woman she was consigned to a role as accompanist to her younger brother the genius.

Mozart’s Sister is set toward the end of a long tour of Europe that began in 1763 when Wolfgang (David Moreau) was seven. Over a period of three years the children travelled thousands of miles with their parents in a horse-drawn carriage and performed for thousands of people in palaces and churches in 88 cities. Nannerl was five years older than her brother and one of his earliest role models. Here Féret takes a minor liberty by lopping two years off the difference in ages, having Nannerl nearly 15 and Mozart almost 12, while Léopold routinely shaves two years off young Wolgang’s age when introducing his son to audiences, thus making his virtuosity seem all the more remarkable.

Nannerl is not jealous of the attention given Wolfgang. Far from it, she revels in her brother’s genius. She wishes only the opportunity to nourish her own. As for Wolfgang, he appreciates his sister’s talent, and the shared joy found in music makes for a strong bond between them. Féret deftly depicts the children’s unusual lives, where all they know is music, practice, lessons, and performance, an upbringing that nurtures genius by placing it in a cocoon from which it is ill-suited to emerge into a world of more ordinary social interaction and everyday life.

The genius of writer-director René Féret’s film, presented as a “speculative” account, is that it is not content just to paint Nannerl Mozart as a victim of 18th-century attitudes toward women. A broken axle leads to a chance encounter and friendship with a daughter of Louis XV, which in turn leads to a strange friendship and near affair with Louis’s son the Dauphin, recently widowed, with some wonderfully loony court intrigue and subtly depicted depravity. In the end we can only wonder what Nannerl Mozart might composed. Her loss is our loss too.

References

Mozart’s Sister

Elizabeth Rusch, Maria Anna Mozart: The Family’s First Prodigy, Smithsonian.com, March 28, 2011