Archive for October, 2010

Does it all go back to the sixties?

Maybe the generation of the sixties is to blame, with our naīve paeans to peace and love, even more naīve idealizations of people like Fidel and Che, Ho and Mao, the antiwar demonstrations that as I think back on them eerily resembled prep rallies before high school football games, and sophomoric maxims about doing your own thing and not trusting anyone over thirty.

Maybe it is me. Maybe I should have read less science fiction and more Marx. Maybe if I had gotten into Ayn Rand when I was in college, but I made it only a few pages into whichever of the big books I picked up, Atlas Shrugged or The Fountainhead, finding the prose turgid, the arguments ham-fisted, and the ideas facile even to my not terribly sophisticated critical eye.

To be honest I kind of looked down on the business majors, thinking that to major in business was to look at college as a glorified vocational school. One majored in business because one was in school to get a job, not an education. The joke was on me there.

Cool people wore tie-dyed t-shirts and colorfully patched jeans, tossed Frisbees in a haze of marijuana smoke, and dug “Desolation Row,” “Layla,” and “Return of the Grievous Angel” booming from a stereo I could never have afforded on my job in the college library’s order department, which with some scholarship money was how I paid my way. That the difference between these kids and the ones in madras shirts, khaki trousers, and Bass Weejuns sans socks was mostly on the surface seems almost self-evident now, though I would not have thought in those terms then, when I was young and sophomoric and thought I had a clue. It is a safe bet that only here and there among the hip were a few who found consciousness expansion not in drugs but in Parmenides and Plato, Bergman and Fellini, Dostoevsky and Nietzsche, an intellectual tradition I came to embrace, and for all I know there may well have been a kindred few among the business majors too.

Hedonism and narcissism are part of the generational stereotype alongside  political activism against the Vietnam war, for racial justice, against environmental degradation, for equal status for women, all that revolt against materialism and hypocrisy. It is considerably more clear now how self-righteousness tends to go hand in glove with the conviction that one occupies the moral high ground. How it all morphed into the embrace of  libertarianism and laissez-faire capitalism is subject for a tome I am not prepared to take on. Instead, let’s turn to Michael Tomasky’s recent essay in The New York Review of Books, whose title (The Elections: How Bad for Democrats?) nutshells the situation, although the question could be extrapolated to “How bad for the country?” From Tomasky:

What Democrats have typically not done well since Reagan’s time is connect their policies to their larger beliefs. In fact they have usually tried to hide those beliefs, or change the conversation when the subject arose. The result has been that for many years Republicans have been able to present their philosophy as somehow truly “American,” while attacking the Democratic belief system as contrary to American values. “Putting us on the road to European-style socialism,” for example, is a rhetorical line of attack that long predates Obama’s ascendance—it was employed against the Clintons’ health care plan as well.

But now consider the specific problems facing Obama, a mixed-race (but visibly black) man with an exotic name and a highly atypical biography for a president. Add in also the greatest economic crisis in eight decades, and governmental responses to that crisis that, to an energized and organized right wing, seem to smack of socialism. One result is that we have a new faction, the well-financed Tea Party movement that has been able to arrogate to itself practically every symbol of Americanism and to paint the President, his ideas and policies, and his supporters as not merely un-American but actively anti-American. In a Newsweek poll released in late August, nearly a third of Americans actually agreed that it was “definitely” or “probably” true that Obama “sympathizes with the goals of Islamic fundamentalists who want to impose Islamic law around the world.”

In the face of all this, it seems not to have occurred to a single prominent Democrat, from Obama on down, to say something like: We love our country every bit as much as they do, and we believe patriotism means expanding access to health care, protecting the environment, and imposing effective new rules on Wall Streets. Democrats have thus crippled themselves by adapting comparatively limited ideas of legitimate political action, and by ceding to Republicans the strong claim of love of one’s country.

The approach Tomasky proposes is reasonable, although it seems doubtful that any argument could pierce the veil of ignorance blissfully donned by those who buy that the centrist, pragmatic Obama is a socialist, much less the sheer nuttiness of the belief that he sympathizes with the goals of Islamic fundamentalists. Even so, I would like to see Obama and the Democrats make a case something along the lines of that suggested by Tomasky. It could hardly be less convincing or effective than the lame campaign rhetoric employed to date almost across the Democratic board.

postscript

Does the ascendence of libertarianism and laissez-faire capitalism represent a 21st-century counterrevolution against 20th-century progressivism, however partially realized progressive ideology may have been in practice? Or are libertarianism and laissez-faire rather logical extensions of certain tendencies of the sixties, suspicion and mistrust of authority, the kind of anti-intellectualism that gave birth to New Age goofiness, and even the hedonism and narcissism  for which today’s rightwingers assail the generation of the sixties?

The Shredded Social Contract

Last May some 300 union workers at a Mott’s plant in Williamson, New York, near Rochester, went out on strike to protest cuts in pay and benefits. (Paul Salmon, Mott’s Strike Illustrates Labor Union Dilemma, PBS NewsHour, 6 September 2010). The workers “didn’t even ask for a raise. They rejected a contract that included benefit cuts and offered flat wages. Then the company cut their pay by $1.50 an hour, hence the walkout.”

This is not a case where the company is in the red and must cut costs to remain in business. The plant and Mott’s parent company,  Dr. Pepper Snapple of Plano, Texas, a conglomeration of 50 brands created from Britain’s Cadbury Schweppes, are profitable, but says Dr. Pepper Snapple Senior VP Robert Callan, “We need to change from the prior ownership that maintained an inefficient and high cost structure….The Williamson employees have enjoyed wages that exceed 50 percent of the market for a very long time.”

Total pay for Dr. Pepper Snapple CEO Larry Young was $6.5 million last year.

[According to a] recent study by the pro-labor Institute for Policy Studies… “CEOs of the 50 firms that have laid off the most workers since the onset of the economic crisis took home 42 percent more than the CEO pay average at S&P 500 firms as a whole.”

VP Callan responded, “This is a red herring by the union. Executive pay is completely irrelevant to the discussion.”

With the employment rate roughly 9.8 percent in the area, the company had no problem finding replacement workers willing to accept less than half the union wage and no benefits at all, which from management’s perspective is a positive development. Says Callan,

You know, operating a facility with temporary workers is like opening a brand-new plant. It takes time to train workers to do a good job. It takes time to train workers how to operate machinery effectively. But we’re very happy with the success we have enjoyed, and we — we’re ready to continue to operate the facility with our temporary work force.

What we have is a profitable company taking advantage of the high level of unemployment to drive down worker compensation while executives do quite well by themselves. One need not be a confirmed cynic to suspect this is not an isolated incident.

While workers take it where their feathers are thinnest, “U.S. companies are rebounding quickly from the recession and posting near-historic profits, the result of aggressively retooling their operations to cope with lower revenue and an uncertain outlook.” (Scott Thurm and Joe Light, “Propelling the Profit Comeback,” The Wall Street Journal, 4 October 2010)

An analysis by The Wall Street Journal found that companies in the Standard & Poor’s 500-stock index posted second quarter profits of $189 billion, up 38% from a year earlier and their sixth-highest quarterly total ever, without adjustment for inflation.

…As a percentage of national income, after-tax profits were the third-highest since 1947, surpassed only by two quarters in 2006, near the peak of the last economic expansion.

The data indicate that big companies are recovering from the downtown faster and more strongly than the overall economy, helping send stock prices higher this year. To achieve that performance, companies laid off hundreds of thousands of workers, closed less-profitable units, shifted work to cheaper regions and streamlined processes. [italics mine] (Thurm and Light)

Meantime, syndicated columnist David Brooks laments the decay of responsibility (The Responsibility DeficitNY Times, 23 September 2010), and as is his custom, raises legitimate issues while cannily driving the discussion to a Reaganite conclusion that government is the problem.

Following the lead of Philip K. Howard (author of The Death of Common Sense and Life Without Lawyers), Brooks holds government responsible for the decay of responsibility. In Howard’s formulation, the problem is “too much law.”

Over the past several decades, he [Howard] argues, a thicket of spending obligations, rules and regulations has arisen, which limits individual discretion, narrows room for maneuver and makes it harder to assign responsibility.

This is well and good as far as it goes, but it is only part of the picture. One need not be a libertarian to recognize well-intentioned government rules and regulations that have unanticipated, undesirable consequences, along with policies that just plain boneheaded. Government fouls things up, as does the private sector, which is not exactly a fount of wisdom and responsibility. It might not have been a bad thing if the individual discretion of the people running AIG, Goldman Sachs, Washington Mutual, and a host of other financial institutions had been limited, their room for maneuver narrowed, during the past decade.

Government, which is to say, our elected representatives, bears responsibility for the sorry state of affairs in which we find ourselves, but it is not solely responsible. Good government is undermined by a naïve, and pernicious libertarianism that goes fist in glove with an extreme, essentially amoral laissez-faire capitalism that holds management’s only responsibility is to maximize profit for shareholders and compensation for executives. For some the idea of a social contract, any notion that, yes, we are individuals, but we are not solitary and isolated, we are all in this together, is as quaint as provisions of the Geneva Conventions.

Brooks writes that “[t]he heart of any moral system is the connection between action and consequences.” This statement is presented without preamble or explication, its truth self-evident. Considerable time has passed since I read Kant’s Groundwork of the Metaphysic of Morals and Critique of Practical Reason, and even more since my youthful upbringing in the Lutheran Church, which still shapes my thinking on these things to some degree, for there is a moral system whose heart is the will to act in accordance with moral law as an end in itself, not tainted by connection between an action and its consequences, neither expectation of reward nor fear of retribution.

Not everyone sees it this way. One is perfectly entitled to make the case for a contrary notion of what it is to act morally. Brooks himself writes elsewhere that the scientists who study morality

struggle to explain the feelings of awe, transcendence, patriotism, joy and self-sacrifice, which are not ancillary to most people’s moral experiences, but central. The evolutionary approach also leads many scientists to neglect the concept of individual responsibility and makes it hard for them to appreciate that most people struggle toward goodness, not as a means, but as an end in itself. (The End of Philosophy, NY Times, 6 April 2009)

Well, as Emerson noticed long ago, a foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds. My little mind suspects that the root of Brooks’ responsibility deficit lies much deeper than government rules and regulations.

memo from the editor’s desk

The concluding paragraph has been revised since this essay was first posted.